FIFTY TWO.
Mitch Rapp had seen
the President in various states of anger, but this morning he
appeared to be especially upset.
Michael Haik, the
President's National Security Advisor, had put out the word.
President Hayes wanted everyone at the White House by 7:00 A.M.
sharp. Kennedy had brought along Rapp and CTC Director Jake Turbes.
She made it clear to both of them that she wanted them to keep a
low profile during the initial meeting with the President's
national security team. The information that the CTC had collected
would be discussed later when the group was of a more manageable
size.
The large conference
table in the Cabinet Room was surrounded by brown leather chairs,
each of them exactly alike with the exception of one. The
President's chair had a higher back and was placed in the middle of
the table so that he was the focus of attention. This morning, with
his strained face and clenched jaw, he was very much the center of
attention. Bloodshed in the Middle East was one thing, it wasn't
good, it wasn't acceptable, but it wasn't a surprise either. The
assassination of a foreign Ambassador in New York City along with
two of his bodyguards was absolutely shocking and
unacceptable.
President Hayes
listened to FBI Director Roach relay the facts surrounding the
assassination of the Ambassador. When Roach was done the President
tapped his pen on a legal pad for a few seconds and then asked in a
very disappointed tone, "That's all we know?"
Director Roach, the
consummate professional, looked back at the President stoically and
admitted, "For now, that's all we have, sir."
In an unusually testy
tone Hayes replied, "I learned that much reading the Post this
morning." Dismissing the FBI director with a shake of his head,
Hayes looked one person over to Roach's boss, Attorney General
Richard Lloyd.
"Dick, I want this
case solved, and I want it solved in a timely manner." The
President stared at his old friend and added, "I don't care what it
takes. Find out who did this and put them on trial and do it
quickly."
The President then
shifted his gaze back in the other direction and settled on Irene
Kennedy. Rapp watched all of this from a few chairs down. The
President was sitting with his back to the window; his national
security advisor, Michael Haik, on his left and his chief of staff,
Valerie Jones, on his right. Across the table and next to the
attorney general were Secretary of State Beatrice Berg and
Secretary of Defense Rick Culbertson.
Hayes kept his eyes
fixed on Kennedy, his agitation clearly visible in the way he
tensed his jaw.
"What have the
Israelis had to say about this?"
Kennedy was prepared
for the question. If the President wanted to know what the Israeli
response was to the killings, he would have asked Secretary of
State Berg. Instead he'd asked the director of the CIA, which meant
he wanted to know what Mossad had to say about the assassination.
She'd already spoken to Ben Freidman three times, and on each
occasion he had vociferously denied having had anything to do with
it.
"Sir, Director
General Freidman denies categorically that Mossad had a hand in
what happened last night."
The President looked
doubtful.
"Why should I believe
him?"
The question could be
answered in many ways, none of them good. Freidman had wasted what
little trust the President had in him, and Kennedy doubted there
was anything she could say or do that could rebuild the damage. She
would have preferred to stay quiet on the issue, but the President
wanted an answer.
"I don't think Mossad
would risk doing something this brazen."
"And why's that?"
asked Hayes.
"Simple cost-benefit,
sir. Killing Ambassador Ali gains them very little and as we are
sure to see as the day progresses
it will cost them greatly in the
international community."
"That line of
reasoning would work if they actually gave a rat's ass what the
international community thought, but as we saw with the attack on
Hebron over the weekend
I'm not so sure they much care what the
rest of the world thinks."
Valerie Jones
nodded.
"I would
agree."
Several other people
seconded her opinion. Secretary of State Beatrice Berg, however,
dissented.
"I don't see it that
way. They might think very little of the UN, but they certainly
care what we think."
The President
immediately turned his attention back to Kennedy.
"Everyone here is
familiar with what Israel says took place in Hebron over the
weekend, correct?" All the attendees nodded. Hayes turned his gaze
on Kennedy.
"Now, Irene, would
you please share with the rest of group what really
happened."
Kennedy sighed ever
so slightly. This was compartmentalized information and she had no
desire to disseminate it to the various agencies represented in the
room. She knew, though, that any attempt to try to convince the
President otherwise would be useless. Reluctantly, she began.
"Through assets on
the ground and reconnaissance photographs we have discovered that
there was no bomb-making factory in Hebron."
Kennedy looked
through her glasses at the confused expressions of the other
high-level officials.
"The damage that was
done was not caused by a secondary explosion."
"Then what in the
hell was it caused by?" asked Secretary of Defense
Culbertson.
After a brief
hesitation, Kennedy said, "Sixteen Hellfire missiles were fired
into the neighborhood."
With a confused frown
on his face Culbertson asked, "Why?"
"That's the
million-dollar question," replied the President in an unfriendly
tone.
"Well
what does
Freidman have to say about all of this?"
The President leaned
back in his chair and looked to Kennedy for the answer.
"He's sticking with
their story that there was a bomb-making factory."
"How sure are we,"
asked Secretary of State Berg, "that there was no bomb factory
that all of the damage was caused by the missiles?"
"The evidence is
pretty clear-cut."
"How
clear-cut?"
Kennedy thought about
the satellite images and the reports she'd received from their
people on the ground. She normally preferred to avoid going too far
out on a limb but on this one she felt confident.
"I'd say the evidence
we have convincingly contradicts the story that is being put out by
the Israeli government."
"So what you're
telling us," interjected Culbertson, "is that we can't trust what
our only ally in the region is telling us."
The President
nodded.
"That about sums it
up. Beatrice, what does the Israeli Ambassador have to say about
last night?"
Berg had not called
Prime Minister Goldberg nor had she called the Israeli Ambassador.
In the skilled game of diplomacy the higher-ups avoided asking
questions of each other that might force lies to be told.
So one of Berg's
underlings had called the deputy chief of mission for an unofficial
response to the assassination of the Palestinian Ambassador.
The Ambassador's
number-two man had dismissed any involvement by Israel as
ludicrous. This was only the first round and the answer was
expected. As the drama unfolded, tougher questions would be put to
people with more weighty tides.
"The embassy,"
started Berg, "is saying exactly what we'd expect them to
say."
"That they had no
involvement," answered the President.
Berg nodded.
"Irene," asked the
President, "what do we know about Ali? Is there any reason that we
know of why the Israelis would want him killed, or more precisely
why Ben Freidman would want him killed?"
"As with all things
between the Israelis and the Palestinians, there is ample motive.
Ali grew up in Gaza and was an active member in the terrorist group
Force 17 and then later with the PLO. The Israelis claim that like
Arafat, he was a terrorist and still is a terrorist. More recently
there have been accusations of fund-raising for the martyr brigades
and some questionable acquaintances with people who run in the
wrong circles."
"What kind of
circles?" asked Hayes.
"People who deal in
arms trafficking."
Valerie Jones, who
had been quiet up until now, asked, "Is that information we
collected on our own, or intelligence that was provided by the
Israelis?"
"That's information
we gathered through our own sources."
"So," began the
President, "do you see anything in Ali's recent history that would
warrant Mossad wanting to kill him?"
The President was
fixated on Freidman, and Kennedy couldn't really blame him. Despite
Freidman's denials, Kennedy had been thinking quite a bit about the
possibility that he had ordered the assassination of Ali. There
were many logical reasons why Freidman should not have ordered such
a bold move, but on the other hand, recently he had proven to be
increasingly unpredictable and brazen. The President was looking to
Kennedy for an answer and she settled on an honest if somewhat
cautious course.
"A year ago, sir, I
would have not thought Ben Freidman capable of such a drastic move,
but today I'm not so sure." Kennedy hesitated for a moment as if
she were about to say something else and then stopped.
The President picked
up on this and said, "What is it?"
"I'm trying to step
back and see the big picture from the Israelis' point of view. It's
been a bloody couple of years for them. The homicide bombers have
taken a massive toll in both life and morale. Israel already
receives almost no support from the international community, so in
that regard they risk almost nothing. They could be expanding the
war
an extension of their attitude that if you hit them they will
hit you back even harder."
President Hayes
nodded.
"Hit the Palestinians
where they feel safest, and keep them off balance."
Kennedy
shrugged.
"It's a possibility.
One that I think is a bit of a stretch, but a possibility."
Hayes seemed to like
this line of thinking. It gave him something he could get his hands
around to explain why Freidman would do something so reckless. In a
final effort to draw out any disagreement, Hayes asked, "Can anyone
right now come up with a suspect other than Mossad?"
Rapp had been
listening keenly to the discussion, and despite his complete lack
of faith in Ben Freidman, he thought there were quite a few other
possibilities that should be explored. He also knew a few things
that the others didn't, but under orders from Kennedy he was to
keep his opinions to himself until they were alone with the
President.